“Our editor told us to avoid certain stories that could be ‘misinterpreted,’” she recalled. “We all understood what that meant.”
To Orbán’s supporters, this was a government finally cutting through gridlock and pushing forward. To his critics, it was something far more dangerous: a lesson in how democracy could be legally manipulated. In time, Orbán himself would put a name to it—“illiberal democracy.”
And Hungary would never be the same.
The Media Takeover
By late 2016, the writing was on the wall—Orbán’s government was tightening its grip on Hungary’s media. In small towns along the Danube and across the Great Hungarian Plain, local newspapers had long been a lifeline for their communities. But one by one, ownership shifted to businessmen with close ties to Fidesz.
At the center of it all was Lőrinc Mészáros, a childhood friend of Orbán’s and a former gas fitter who, almost overnight, became one of Hungary’s wealthiest men. His rise was as improbable as it was strategic—soon, his media empire controlled vast swaths of the country’s news outlets.
Journalists saw the shift happen in real-time. At Somogyi Hírlap, a regional daily, reporters noticed that critical pieces on local corruption or government policies kept disappearing just before publication. In Budapest, editors whispered about the sudden limits on what they could cover. Anna Török, a veteran journalist, put it bluntly: “We would draft a piece on questionable government spending, and our publisher would bury it.”
Then came the moment that sent shockwaves through the industry.
On an October morning in 2016, the staff of Népszabadság, Hungary’s oldest and once most respected newspaper, showed up to work—only to find the doors locked. Computers, archives, even their personal belongings were inaccessible. Just days earlier, they had published an investigation into the lavish travel expenses of a Fidesz politician. Now, the paper was gone. Furious journalists gathered outside with signs that read “Free Press RIP.” János Murányi, a former editor, called it “the darkest day for Hungarian journalism since the fall of communism.”
The government’s control didn’t stop with ownership takeovers. State-funded advertisements—a major source of revenue for many outlets—were quietly redirected from independent publications to those more aligned with Orbán’s vision. Almost overnight, funding dried up for critical voices. Investigative journalism faded. Major scandals went unreported.
Hungary’s press, once a force that held power accountable, was slowly being silenced.
Tobacco and Friends: The 2012 Monopoly Law
Orbán’s influence wasn’t just reshaping the media—it was creeping into the economy, too. In 2012, Fidesz lawmakers passed a law turning tobacco sales into a state monopoly. The official reason? To curb underage smoking. The real effect? A lucrative new business model for those with the right political connections.
And once again, at the center of it all was Lőrinc Mészáros.
Through a web of shell companies, Mészáros—along with other Fidesz-friendly businessmen—secured hundreds of lucrative tobacco licenses. Meanwhile, longtime shop owners were shut out overnight.